Complex predicates in Wambaya:

the syntax of associated motion and serial verbs

Rachel Nordlinger

University of Melbourne

 

In this paper I compare and contrast two complex predicate constructions in Wambaya, a non-Pama-Nyungan language of north-central Australia. The first of these Ð the associated motion construction Ð is the Wambaya reflex of the original proto-Mirndi verb-coverb  construction, still present in Jaminjung (Schultze-Berndt 2000).  In modern-day Wambaya this presents as a series of portmanteau directional + tense/aspect/mood suffixes on the second position auxiliary, in conjunction with a lexical main verb, as in (1): 

 

(1)              Gannga             mirnd-amany.                                    

                     return(FUT)   1.DU.INC.S-PST.TWD              

                     ÔWe came back.Õ

 

The second complex predicate construction is a serial verb construction, in which two lexical verbs combine to form a single semantic predicate, as in (2):

 

(2)           Gayini                    g-a                            yarru    ginkanyi               nanganangali?

                  who.I(NOM)    3.SG.S-PST      go            this.way                sneak

                  Who went sneaking off this way?

 

Although these two complex predicate constructions are structurally quite distinct, they share some interesting similarities.  For example, as shown in the contrast between (1) and (3), the semantic contribution of the associated motion marker is different depending on the nature of the main verb.   When the main verb is a motion verb, as in (1), the associated motion marker encodes the direction of the motion event.  When the main verb is a non-motion verb as in (3), however, the associated motion affix encodes a sequential motion event Ôgo and X/come and XÕ (Nordlinger 2001).

 

(3)              Bungmanyi-ni                 gin-amany                                              yanybi.

                     old.man.I-ERG               3.SG.M.A-PST.TWD                     get

                     ÔThe old man came and got her.Õ

 

A very similar contrast is found with the motion verb yarru Ôgo/comeÕ when used in serial verb constructions.  When combined with another motion verb, as in (2), the resulting semantics is one of simultaneous motion.  When combined with a non-motion verb, on the other hand, the resulting combination usually encodes a sequential motion event, as in (4):

 

(4)           Gulugbi                ng-u                         ngawurniji          yarru.

                  sleep                        1.SG.S-FUT     1.SG.NOM        go

                  IÕll go and sleep.

 

In this paper I discuss the properties of these two constructions and their implications for theories of complex predicate formation.  Of particular interest is the fact that a single element (i.e. an associated motion affix, or the serialised motion verb yarru) can undergo two different types of predicate composition, depending on the semantics of the verb it combines with.  Furthermore, the fact that these same predicate composition patterns are found across two quite distinct constructions has implications for models that seek to relate types of predicate composition with particular syntactic structures (e.g. Baker and Harvey MS).